The populist "left," on the other hand, is comprised by those who feel the economy is unjust but can be fixed by civil society and government efforts, but not reductions in immigration or government services. Small-government-ism is one of the key differences between American populism and many of those elsewhere, which often demand governmental services for those within the populist group while excluding others. In the United States, this is accompanied by "small government-ism," the reduction of government regulations and social services by reducing government's budget through tax cuts. The populist "right," in this taxonomy, includes those who feel the economy is unjust but can be fixed by protectionist trade and immigration policies. The Pew Research Center 2017 Political Typology identifies eight categories of socio-political identification, which can be plotted across two axes: the degree of optimism/openness (to new people, ideas) and role of government in society. To begin with, political affiliation today does not divide along classic left-right lines. Society's underlying historico-cultural materiel - its habitus or "conductorless orchestra" in Bourdieu's charmed phrase - is the ground from which populisms both left and right draw their worldviews, symbols and policy preferences. Uproot populism's roots and you've deracinated the rest as well. Its roots are among the myths, history and symbologies that nourish other aspects of society. On that view, if we find populism's roots, we could extirpate them.īut populism, as Pierre Bourdieu among many others have noted, doesn't have its own, distinct origins. populism has deep roots, but it's not populism's roots we should be investigating - as though populism were distinct from other aspects of society. Brooks associated Trumpism with the transfer of societal resources to the wealthy, evinced by the 2017 Republican tax code.īrooks is right that U.S. Įarlier this year, New York Times columnist David Brooks told NPR that, because "populism has deep roots in America," he believed "Bannonism" would outlive "Trumpism" as a decisive influence in elections and public policy.īy "Bannonism," Brooks meant the populist, protectionist platform of Steven Bannon, Trump's former Chief Strategist and former executive chairman of Breitbart News. She is the author of Commonwealth and Covenant: Economics, Politics, and Theologies of Relationality. Marcia Pally teaches at New York University and Fordham University, and is a guest professor in the theology department at Humboldt University in Berlin.
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